翻訳と辞書
Words near each other
・ "O" Is for Outlaw
・ "O"-Jung.Ban.Hap.
・ "Ode-to-Napoleon" hexachord
・ "Oh Yeah!" Live
・ "Our Contemporary" regional art exhibition (Leningrad, 1975)
・ "P" Is for Peril
・ "Pimpernel" Smith
・ "Polish death camp" controversy
・ "Pro knigi" ("About books")
・ "Prosopa" Greek Television Awards
・ "Pussy Cats" Starring the Walkmen
・ "Q" Is for Quarry
・ "R" Is for Ricochet
・ "R" The King (2016 film)
・ "Rags" Ragland
・ ! (album)
・ ! (disambiguation)
・ !!
・ !!!
・ !!! (album)
・ !!Destroy-Oh-Boy!!
・ !Action Pact!
・ !Arriba! La Pachanga
・ !Hero
・ !Hero (album)
・ !Kung language
・ !Oka Tokat
・ !PAUS3
・ !T.O.O.H.!
・ !Women Art Revolution


Dictionary Lists
翻訳と辞書 辞書検索 [ 開発暫定版 ]
スポンサード リンク

George Sorel : ウィキペディア英語版
Georges Sorel

| main_interests =
| influences =
| influenced =
}}
Georges Eugène Sorel (2 November 1847 – 29 August 1922) was a French philosopher〔MacDonald, J. Ramsay (1912). ("The Philosophy of Sorel." ) In: ''Syndicalism: A Critical Examination''. London: Constable & Co., Ltd., pp. 16–23.〕 and theorist of revolutionary syndicalism.〔Guy-Grand, Georges (1911). ("M. Georges Sorel et le 'Matérialisme Historique'." ) In: ''La Philosophie Syndicaliste''. Paris: Bernard Grasset, pp. 7–33.〕〔Lewis, Arthur D. (1912). ("Monsieur Georges Sorel and his Ideas." ) In: ''Syndicalism and the General Strike''. London: T. Fisher Unwin, pp. 37–94.〕 His notion of the power of myth in people's lives inspired Marxists and Fascists.〔Sternhell, Zeev, Mario Sznajder, Maia Ashéri (1994). "Georges Sorel and the Antimaterialist Revision of Marxism." In: ''The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution''. Princeton University Press ISBN 0-691-03289-0〕 It is, together with his defense of violence, the contribution for which he is most often remembered.〔See, for instance, Kract, Klaus Gross (2008). "(Georges Sorel und der Mythos der Gewalt. )" ''Zeithistorische Forschungen/Studies in Contemporary History'', No. 1.〕
==Biography==
Born in Cherbourg as the son of a bankrupted wine merchant, Sorel entered the École Polytechnique in Paris in 1865. He became chief engineer with the Department of Public Works, stationed briefly in Corsica, and for a longer period in Perpignan. In 1891, he was awarded the Légion d'honneur.〔Jennings, Jeremy (1985). ''Georges Sorel: The Character and Development of his Thought''. New York: St. Martin's Press, p. 16 ISBN 0-312-32458-8〕 He retired in 1892 and moved to Boulogne-sur-Seine, near Paris, where he stayed until his death.
Beginning in the second half of the 1880s, he published articles in various fields (hydrology, architecture, physics, political history, and philosophy) displaying the influence of Aristotle, as well as Hippolyte Taine and Ernest Renan. In 1893, he publicly affirmed his position as a Marxist and a socialist. His social and political philosophy owed much to his reading of Proudhon, Karl Marx, Giambattista Vico, Henri Bergson〔Lovejoy, Arthur O. (1913). ("The Practical Tendencies of Bergsonism, II." ) ''International Journal of Ethics'', Vol. 23, No. 4, pp. 419–443.〕〔Hamilton, James Jay (1973). "Georges Sorel and the Inconsistencies of a Bergsonian Marxism", ''Political Theory'', Vol. 1, No. 3, pp. 329–340.〕 (whose lectures at the Collège de France he attended), and later William James. Sorel's engagement in the political world was accompanied by a correspondence with Benedetto Croce, and later with Vilfredo Pareto. Sorel worked on the first French Marxist journals, ''L’Ère nouvelle'' and ''Le Devenir social'', and then participated at the turn of the century in the revisionist debate and crisis within Marxism. He took the side of Eduard Bernstein against Karl Kautsky. Sorel supported acquittal during the Dreyfus affair, although, like his friend Charles Péguy, he later felt betrayed by what he saw as the opportunism of the Dreyfusards. Through his contributions to Enrico Leone's ''Il Divenire sociale'' and Hubert Lagardelle's ''Mouvement socialiste'', he contributed around 1905 to the theoretical elaboration of revolutionary syndicalism.〔Neilson, Francis (1919). ("Georges Sorel and Syndicalism." ) In: ''The Old Freedom''. New York: B. W. Huebsch, pp. 78–94.〕 In 1906, his most famous text, ''Reflections on Violence'', appeared in this last journal. It was published in book form in 1908, and was followed the same year by ''Illusions du Progrès''.
Disappointed by the CGT, Sorel associated himself for a period in 1909-1910 with Charles MaurrasAction française, while sharing neither its nationalism nor its political program. This collaboration inspired the founders of the Cercle Proudhon, which brought together revolutionary syndicalists and monarchists. Sorel himself, with Jean Variot, founded a journal in 1911 called ''L'Indépendance'', although disagreements, in part over nationalism, soon ended the project.〔
Roman, Thomas (2001). ("L'Independance. Une Revue Traditionaliste" ), ''Mil-neuf-cent''. No. 20.〕
Ferociously opposed to the 1914 Union sacrée, Sorel denounced the war and in 1917 praised the Russian Revolution, calling Lenin "the greatest theoretician of socialism since Marx". He wrote numerous small pieces for Italian newspapers defending the Bolsheviks. Sorel was extremely hostile to Gabriele D’Annunzio, the poet who attempted to re-conquer Fiume for Italy, and did not show sympathy for the rise of fascism in Italy, despite Jean Variot's later claims that he placed all his hopes in Benito Mussolini. After the war, Sorel published a collection of his writings entitled ''Matériaux d’une Théorie du Prolétariat''. At the time of his death, in Boulogne sur Seine, he had an ambivalent attitude towards both Fascism and Bolshevism.
Although his writing touched on many subjects, Sorel's work is best characterized by his original interpretation of Marxism, which was deeply anti-determinist, politically anti-elitist, anti-Jacobin,〔"One can say that optimists are, in general, extremist theoreticians. The consequences of this have been well put by Georges Sorel in writing of the Jacobins: 'If, unfortunately, they find themselves armed with great political power allowing them to realize an ideal that they have conceived, optimists may lead their country to worse catastrophes. They are not long in recognizing, indeed, that social transformations are not achieved with the facility they had expected; they attribute their disappointments to their contemporaries, rather than explain the march of events in terms of historic necessity; thus they end by attempting to remove those people whose evil desires seem to them dangerous to the welfare of mankind. During the Terror, the men who spilt most blood were exactly those who had the keenest desire to enable their fellow-creatures to enjoy the golden age of which they had dreamed, and who had the strongest sympathy for human misery. Optimistic, idealistic, and sensitive,
as they were, these men showed themselves the more inexorable as they had a greater thirst for universal well-being'." — Michels, Robert (1949). ("The Sociological Character of Political Parties." ) In: ''First Lectures in Political Sociology''. University of Minnesota Press, p. 140.〕 and built on the direct action of unions, the mobilizing role of myth—especially that of the general strike—and on the disruptive and regenerative role of violence. Whether Sorel is better seen as a left-wing or right-wing thinker is disputed:〔Wilde, Larry (1986). "Sorel and the French Right," ''History of Political Thought'', Vol. VII, pp. 361-74.〕〔Schecter, Darrow (1990). "Two Views of Revolution: Gramsci and Sorel," ''History of European Ideas,'' Vol. XII, pp. 637-53.〕 the Italian Fascists praised him as a forefather, but the dictatorial government they established ran contrary to his beliefs, while he was also an important touchstone for Italy's first Communists, who saw Sorel as a theorist of the proletariat. Such widely divergent interpretations arise from the theory that a moral revival of the country must take place to re-establish itself, saving it from decadence;〔“Sorel saw only a decadent world of self-serving interest groups, self-indulgent intellectuals, and venal leaders rationalizing their lack of all conviction into pacifistic principles. The English were scorned for treating wars like athletic contests; the French, for succumbing to an arid rationalism easily co-opted by the Third Republic. He rejected the Enlightenment heritage traditionally honored by French revolutionaries, and the ‘illusions of progress’ that had led the French to worship the state, and workers to engage in demeaning political activity.” — Billington, James H. (1980). ''Fire in the Minds of Men: Origins of Revolutionary Faith''. New York: Basic Books, p. 426. Also see Luigi Salvatorelli, "Spengler e Sorel", ''La Cultura'', Vol. XIV, No. 2, 1935, pp. 21-23; Pierre Angel, "Georges Sorel et la Décadence Européenne", ''L’Ordre'', 1937; Jean Wanner, ''Georges Sorel et la Décadence'', Librairie de Droit F. Roth. Lausanne, 1943; Pierre Cauvin, "La Notion de Décadence chez Oswald Spengler et Georges Sorel", Institut de Sociologie de Strasbourg, 1970; David Meakin, "Decadence and the Devaluation of Work: The Revolt of Sorel, Péguy and the German Expressionists," ''European History Quarterly'', Vol. I, No. 1, 1971; Paul Mazgaj, "The Young Sorelians and Decadence", ''Journal of Contemporary History'', Vol. XVII, 1982.〕 yet whether this revival must occur by means of the middle and upper classes or of the proletariat is a point in question. His ideas, most notably the concept of a spontaneous general strike, have contributed significantly to anarcho-syndicalism.

抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア(Wikipedia)
ウィキペディアで「Georges Sorel」の詳細全文を読む



スポンサード リンク
翻訳と辞書 : 翻訳のためのインターネットリソース

Copyright(C) kotoba.ne.jp 1997-2016. All Rights Reserved.